vivache
02-05 11:56 AM
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vsc
01-23 02:19 PM
Hi
presently i am working on h1b for a tech company. I also have my ead (obtained as a result of july 07 fiasco).
Can i start a company, incorporate a llc or a class c company on my ead? What would be my options?
i know that if i had solely my h1b, i could start a class c company but not work for it(use a gc or a citizen) to do it
my question is that can i still continue on my status quo--ie use h1 for my employer and use ead to start a company, or i have to give up my h1 status? since my wife is on h4, i have to continue on h1b until she gets her ead.
thanks!
presently i am working on h1b for a tech company. I also have my ead (obtained as a result of july 07 fiasco).
Can i start a company, incorporate a llc or a class c company on my ead? What would be my options?
i know that if i had solely my h1b, i could start a class c company but not work for it(use a gc or a citizen) to do it
my question is that can i still continue on my status quo--ie use h1 for my employer and use ead to start a company, or i have to give up my h1 status? since my wife is on h4, i have to continue on h1b until she gets her ead.
thanks!
Blog Feeds
08-31 11:30 AM
A lot of nice tributes to Senator Kennedy recognizing his immigration achievements. Here are a few: Ted Kennedy's Greatest Accomplishment: He Created Americans - Dana Houle of Daily Kos talks about Kennedy's shepherding through the 1965 Immigration Act. From HIAS. From the National Immigration Forum. From the American Immigration Lawyers Association. From the Immigration Policy Center. From the Migration Policy Institute. Partha Banerjee in the McClatchy News Service And here is a speech Senator Kennedy gave in 2006 promoting his immigration reform bill:
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2009/08/tributes-to-kennedy-pour-in-from-proimmigration-community.html)
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2009/08/tributes-to-kennedy-pour-in-from-proimmigration-community.html)
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hanu_78
12-08 09:29 AM
Yes, as long as you have valid AP, you can re-enter and resume working on a valid EAD.
Thanks for your reply.
Thanks for your reply.
more...
Macaca
11-13 08:06 PM
GOP tacks right after Democratic gains (http://www.politico.com/news/stories/1107/6829.html) By Martin Kady II | Politico, Nov 12, 2007
Republicans may trail in the polls on virtually every issue, but conservative influence is surging in both chambers of Congress as the GOP tries to find its soul again.
It�s a risky strategy to tack to the right while Democrats have momentum in most polls, but Republicans clearly believe that they need to recapture their base before they recapture the majority.
When Republicans ran Congress, hardened fiscal conservatives often had a lone voice-in-the-wilderness feel about them.
Whether it was Sen. Tom Coburn (R-Okla.) filibustering on earmarks or Rep. Jeb Hensarling (R-Texas) making a late-night speech about runaway government spending, the conservative caucus had a sympathetic ear from GOP leaders yet rarely prevailed on strategy or party message.
But now that they�ve been thrust into the minority, the conservative agitators have a front-row seat with Republican leaders, and the number of lawmakers who describe themselves as conservatives continues to grow while moderates appear to be a dying breed among Republicans on Capitol Hill.
In the House, the conservative Republican Study Committee has led the caucus in promising to sustain vetoes of children�s health care legislation and spending bills.
In the Senate, the conservative Republican Steering Committee, led by Sen. Jim DeMint (R-S.C.), is now being invited to weekly Republican leadership meetings on appropriations, a departure from tradition.
The top members of the Senate steering committee also had an exclusive meeting recently with President Bush, who himself is trying to launch a sort of renaissance of fiscal conservatism by vetoing popular spending bills.
The Republican Study Committee now has 104 members, up 50 percent in the past five years.
And 12 of the 15 Republican freshman lawmakers joined the group this year, a clear sign that the small rookie class of Republicans still believes in a conservative future, even while its party struggles nationally.
In contrast, the moderate Republican Main Street Partnership has seen its membership decline 20 percent, from 59 lawmakers in the last Congress to 47 this year.
And seven of those moderates are retiring, further diminishing the power of the middle.
�We don�t need to be shy about what we believe in,� DeMint said in an interview. �We�re starting to act as Republicans around core principles, whether it�s SCHIP or earmarks.�
Democrats are happy to see the Republicans taking a sharp right turn, believing it makes winning independents in 2008 that much easier.
�Republicans can�t try to make fiscal responsibility their mantle when they are responsible for turning record surpluses into record deficits,� said Sarah Feinberg, spokeswoman for the House Democratic Caucus.
�They can�t whine about earmarks when earmarks exploded under their leadership and Democrats have cut them in half and brought accountability to the earmark process.�
The renewed influence by conservatives in the House and Senate Republican caucuses appears to be disconnected from recent poll results.
According to a Washington Post/ABC News poll released Nov. 4, Americans favor Democrats in handling the economy, 50 percent to 35 percent, and on taxes, 46 percent to 40 percent, showing that Democrats have gained an edge on fiscal issues usually dominated by Republicans.
Independents are also disgruntled. In a Fox News/Opinion Dynamics poll last month, 63 percent of independents disapproved of the president�s performance.
Some Republican congressional aides privately admit that the energized push for conservative issues amounts to a �minority strategy� in which the party must reclaim its identity after being thrown out of power on Capitol Hill before making a serious run at regaining the majority.
�The far right is not going to bring the Republican Party back to power,� said Charlie Bass, president of the Main Street Republican Partnership and a former GOP House member from New Hampshire.
�The districts that were lost were moderate districts. The far right is big on bluster but short on results.�
Congressional Republican leaders, meanwhile, have been coordinating their efforts with some of the leading minds of the party, including pollsters Frank Luntz and David Winston, and Pat Toomey, president of the conservative Club for Growth.
Republican aides say they�ve also had strategy meetings with former House Speaker Newt Gingrich (R-Ga.).
At its core, this is an effort to re-energize a party demoralized after last year�s elections.
�We need to do a better job of communicating our core beliefs,� said Danny Diaz, a spokesman for the Republican National Committee. �We had strayed from the core beliefs that got us the majority.�
Still, the strategy of flexing conservative credentials at the expense of the middle carries great risk.
�The image of the party message being dictated by a small group of doctrinaire senators is not something that people at the top of the ticket are going to want,� said Ross K. Baker, a political science professor and congressional expert at Rutgers University.
�This [strategy] springs up when a party is in the minority and prospects are bleak, so it�s unsurprising they�re having a reawakening.�
Indeed, Republicans are finding it easier to create a unified front on spending, immigration and national security as the minority party because they don�t have to legislate, don�t control the congressional schedule and are outnumbered at virtually every turn.
�There were times in the majority when conservatives disagreed with leadership, but there have been very few of those times this year,� said Hensarling, chairman of the Republican Study Committee.
�There�s nothing like getting hit over the head with a two-by-four to get someone�s attention. The American people thought Republicans weren�t acting like Republicans.�
To be sure, conservatives have always had significant influence within the Republican leadership in both chambers.
But when it came time to cut deals on spending or to craft bipartisan legislation, they often felt like they were cut out of the process.
Many Republicans still regret the arm twisting on their side of the aisle that led them to vote in favor of the Medicare prescription drug benefit in 2003, creating one of the biggest entitlement programs of all time.
Now Republicans are getting their sea legs as a minority party on Capitol Hill, and their rabble-rousers serve a useful purpose in opposing the Democratic majority, especially on spending bills.
Democrats have little chance to override any of the president�s threatened vetoes of appropriations measures, thanks in large part to Republican unity on the issue.
�These fights on spending are important for us to re-establish our credentials,� said House Minority Whip Roy Blunt (R-Mo.). �The Democrats have made it easy for us to engage in that fight.�
Democrats have indeed been frustrated in both chambers by Republican procedural maneuvers, but they believe voters will see this as obstructionism.
�It became evident months ago that the only play left in their playbook was to attack Democrats on taxing and spending,� said Jim Manley, a spokesman for Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.).
�They needed to shore up what�s left of their base. President Bush and Republicans have engaged in a hypocritical series of attacks on spending issues. The president only recently rediscovered the veto.�
Republicans may trail in the polls on virtually every issue, but conservative influence is surging in both chambers of Congress as the GOP tries to find its soul again.
It�s a risky strategy to tack to the right while Democrats have momentum in most polls, but Republicans clearly believe that they need to recapture their base before they recapture the majority.
When Republicans ran Congress, hardened fiscal conservatives often had a lone voice-in-the-wilderness feel about them.
Whether it was Sen. Tom Coburn (R-Okla.) filibustering on earmarks or Rep. Jeb Hensarling (R-Texas) making a late-night speech about runaway government spending, the conservative caucus had a sympathetic ear from GOP leaders yet rarely prevailed on strategy or party message.
But now that they�ve been thrust into the minority, the conservative agitators have a front-row seat with Republican leaders, and the number of lawmakers who describe themselves as conservatives continues to grow while moderates appear to be a dying breed among Republicans on Capitol Hill.
In the House, the conservative Republican Study Committee has led the caucus in promising to sustain vetoes of children�s health care legislation and spending bills.
In the Senate, the conservative Republican Steering Committee, led by Sen. Jim DeMint (R-S.C.), is now being invited to weekly Republican leadership meetings on appropriations, a departure from tradition.
The top members of the Senate steering committee also had an exclusive meeting recently with President Bush, who himself is trying to launch a sort of renaissance of fiscal conservatism by vetoing popular spending bills.
The Republican Study Committee now has 104 members, up 50 percent in the past five years.
And 12 of the 15 Republican freshman lawmakers joined the group this year, a clear sign that the small rookie class of Republicans still believes in a conservative future, even while its party struggles nationally.
In contrast, the moderate Republican Main Street Partnership has seen its membership decline 20 percent, from 59 lawmakers in the last Congress to 47 this year.
And seven of those moderates are retiring, further diminishing the power of the middle.
�We don�t need to be shy about what we believe in,� DeMint said in an interview. �We�re starting to act as Republicans around core principles, whether it�s SCHIP or earmarks.�
Democrats are happy to see the Republicans taking a sharp right turn, believing it makes winning independents in 2008 that much easier.
�Republicans can�t try to make fiscal responsibility their mantle when they are responsible for turning record surpluses into record deficits,� said Sarah Feinberg, spokeswoman for the House Democratic Caucus.
�They can�t whine about earmarks when earmarks exploded under their leadership and Democrats have cut them in half and brought accountability to the earmark process.�
The renewed influence by conservatives in the House and Senate Republican caucuses appears to be disconnected from recent poll results.
According to a Washington Post/ABC News poll released Nov. 4, Americans favor Democrats in handling the economy, 50 percent to 35 percent, and on taxes, 46 percent to 40 percent, showing that Democrats have gained an edge on fiscal issues usually dominated by Republicans.
Independents are also disgruntled. In a Fox News/Opinion Dynamics poll last month, 63 percent of independents disapproved of the president�s performance.
Some Republican congressional aides privately admit that the energized push for conservative issues amounts to a �minority strategy� in which the party must reclaim its identity after being thrown out of power on Capitol Hill before making a serious run at regaining the majority.
�The far right is not going to bring the Republican Party back to power,� said Charlie Bass, president of the Main Street Republican Partnership and a former GOP House member from New Hampshire.
�The districts that were lost were moderate districts. The far right is big on bluster but short on results.�
Congressional Republican leaders, meanwhile, have been coordinating their efforts with some of the leading minds of the party, including pollsters Frank Luntz and David Winston, and Pat Toomey, president of the conservative Club for Growth.
Republican aides say they�ve also had strategy meetings with former House Speaker Newt Gingrich (R-Ga.).
At its core, this is an effort to re-energize a party demoralized after last year�s elections.
�We need to do a better job of communicating our core beliefs,� said Danny Diaz, a spokesman for the Republican National Committee. �We had strayed from the core beliefs that got us the majority.�
Still, the strategy of flexing conservative credentials at the expense of the middle carries great risk.
�The image of the party message being dictated by a small group of doctrinaire senators is not something that people at the top of the ticket are going to want,� said Ross K. Baker, a political science professor and congressional expert at Rutgers University.
�This [strategy] springs up when a party is in the minority and prospects are bleak, so it�s unsurprising they�re having a reawakening.�
Indeed, Republicans are finding it easier to create a unified front on spending, immigration and national security as the minority party because they don�t have to legislate, don�t control the congressional schedule and are outnumbered at virtually every turn.
�There were times in the majority when conservatives disagreed with leadership, but there have been very few of those times this year,� said Hensarling, chairman of the Republican Study Committee.
�There�s nothing like getting hit over the head with a two-by-four to get someone�s attention. The American people thought Republicans weren�t acting like Republicans.�
To be sure, conservatives have always had significant influence within the Republican leadership in both chambers.
But when it came time to cut deals on spending or to craft bipartisan legislation, they often felt like they were cut out of the process.
Many Republicans still regret the arm twisting on their side of the aisle that led them to vote in favor of the Medicare prescription drug benefit in 2003, creating one of the biggest entitlement programs of all time.
Now Republicans are getting their sea legs as a minority party on Capitol Hill, and their rabble-rousers serve a useful purpose in opposing the Democratic majority, especially on spending bills.
Democrats have little chance to override any of the president�s threatened vetoes of appropriations measures, thanks in large part to Republican unity on the issue.
�These fights on spending are important for us to re-establish our credentials,� said House Minority Whip Roy Blunt (R-Mo.). �The Democrats have made it easy for us to engage in that fight.�
Democrats have indeed been frustrated in both chambers by Republican procedural maneuvers, but they believe voters will see this as obstructionism.
�It became evident months ago that the only play left in their playbook was to attack Democrats on taxing and spending,� said Jim Manley, a spokesman for Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.).
�They needed to shore up what�s left of their base. President Bush and Republicans have engaged in a hypocritical series of attacks on spending issues. The president only recently rediscovered the veto.�
TexDBoy
01-21 03:48 PM
I am an analyst under H1B and I am involved in a sales process by developing a prototype for a client. My company wants me to give a percentage of total deal as commission. It will show in the pay stub as commission. Is it legal to get commission under H1B (please remember I am a programmer analyst) ?
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svn
03-31 08:27 PM
I-140 processing date isn't country specific, but make sure check the date for the center you have applied to - the date varies by center
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green_card
07-17 12:36 PM
what an ignorant ass. doesnt he realize that IV core is made up of us. We are IV... there is no they. they are not some shady lobbying group.... they are professionals stuck in this mess just like the rest of us....but the only difference is that they are actually doing something to benefit us all using the force of larger numbers...including the jackass that started this poll.
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saravanaraj.sathya
07-30 03:32 PM
You will be able to move to a different employer with better job with better pay. If you are happy with ur current job still it cant proect you if ur current employer gors out of business and fires you.
What are the benefits? Please explain.
What are the benefits? Please explain.
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LayoffBlog
01-27 07:20 PM
According to CNNMoney: “The job market continued to take a beating Tuesday, as six companies across several industries announced more than 11,500 job cuts Tuesday.The huge number of job cuts pales only in comparison to Monday’s statistics: seven companies issued job cut announcements totaling more than 71,400 layoffs.In January alone, companies have announced more 211,500 [...]http://stats.wordpress.com/b.gif?host=layoffblog.com&blog=5255291&post=1267&subd=layoffblog&ref=&feed=1
More... (http://layoffblog.com/2009/01/27/more-than-211500-job-cuts-announced-in-january-alone/)
More... (http://layoffblog.com/2009/01/27/more-than-211500-job-cuts-announced-in-january-alone/)
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01-07 12:56 PM
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07-07 08:36 AM
Bush Struggles With Pelosi and Reid (http://hosted.ap.org/dynamic/stories/B/BUSH_PELOSI_REID?SITE=AZTUC&SECTION=HOME&TEMPLATE=DEFAULT) By BEN FELLER Associated Press Writer, Jul 7
Ben Feller covers the White House for The Associated Press.
WASHINGTON (AP) -- When President Bush invited lawmakers for a picnic, an approaching storm threatened to derail the event. His spokesman, Tony Snow, suggested that Democratic leaders in Congress secretly wanted it that way.
"They've been seeding the clouds," he said.
A little joke, a little suspicion. It seemed appropriate for Bush's relationship with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid.
In public, there are promises to work together, then unmistakable acrimony. Private dealings are respectful, but not fully trustful.
Where ill will seeps out between Bush and the two Democratic leaders, it is not based on personal animus, those close to them say. Rather, it is rooted in vastly different views of how to run the country, and how much say each side has in running it.
Pelosi and Reid say Bush blithely dismisses their roles as leaders of a coequal branch of government; Bush says they overreach and meddle, never more so than in the case of the war in Iraq.
How well they get along, a fascination in Washington, is important in a much broader sense: It affects what they get done for the country.
On that front, progress has been slow during the first half-year of this divided government.
Bush and Democratic leaders agreed on new trade-policy guidelines, but Congress later refused to renew his fast-track trade power. Bush vetoed the Democrats' bid to expand stem cell research, a move that Reid and Pelosi called deplorable.
The president's immigration overhaul is dead. A potential energy agreement looks shaky at best. Bush is also in a worsening standoff with Congress over the firing of U.S. attorneys, and a huge fight is brewing over the main spending bills that keep the government in operation.
And, of course, there's the war.
"It's hard to know how they would get along without Iraq," said Charles Jones, who studies relations between Congress and the president as a nonresident senior fellow for The Brookings Institution.
"There are some issues on which they would probably work pretty effectively together, but the overlay of Iraq and the intense conflicts spills over," Jones said. "It makes it difficult for them just to say, 'Well, let's forget Iraq and work nicely on other issues.'"
The White House disputes that spillover, citing quiet negotiations taking place to renew Bush's education law and work with Democrats on the immigration legislation. The immigration bill died when conservatives in Bush's own party rebelled against it.
Iraq may be the better test case of Bush's relationship with Reid and Pelosi.
It took more than three months for Bush and Congress to agree on a war funding bill, gobbling up valuable and finite legislative time.
Bush vetoed the Democrats' first try because it included a timeline for U.S. troop withdrawal. Then came a grim meeting in which Bush, Pelosi and Reid chose negotiators but got little else done.
In the days that followed, Pelosi miffed the White House by holding a vote to pay for the war in stages, drawing another veto threat. Another negotiation session broke down.
Ultimately, hemmed in by time, both sides had to give or risk the political catastrophe of leaving combat troops unfunded.
So Democrats gave up the timeline for withdrawal. Bush agreed to add domestic spending to the bill and establish benchmarks for measuring progress in Iraq.
"The vote showed what's possible when we work together," the president said.
The reality is that the compromise was forced upon them all, because no one wanted to cut off money for the troops.
Still, quietly, some trust built through the experience. Bush's chief of staff, Josh Bolten, appreciated that Reid kept his word during negotiations; Reid respected that no details leaked from those private talks. He now says that Bush is listening more, but only compared with zero cooperation in prior years.
Bush's tendency has never been to engage Congress, said James Thurber, director of the Center for Congressional and Presidential Studies at American University.
"He doesn't have a close relationship with either one of them," Thurber said, referring to Pelosi and Reid. "I think that makes a difference. I don't see any evidence that he has come around to engaging the opposition party the way (Bill) Clinton did."
Bush, Reid and Pelosi all dismiss the idea that they don't like one another despite the constant public harping.
When the cameras are off, the tone is different, said Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky, who has sat with Reid and Pelosi in private sessions with Bush.
"It's not an acrimonious kind of thing," McConnell said. "In all the meetings I've been in, there's never been a lack of courtesy. I don't think there's anything personal. We are just in different places. Everybody fully understands that we have different agendas."
Ben Feller covers the White House for The Associated Press.
WASHINGTON (AP) -- When President Bush invited lawmakers for a picnic, an approaching storm threatened to derail the event. His spokesman, Tony Snow, suggested that Democratic leaders in Congress secretly wanted it that way.
"They've been seeding the clouds," he said.
A little joke, a little suspicion. It seemed appropriate for Bush's relationship with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid.
In public, there are promises to work together, then unmistakable acrimony. Private dealings are respectful, but not fully trustful.
Where ill will seeps out between Bush and the two Democratic leaders, it is not based on personal animus, those close to them say. Rather, it is rooted in vastly different views of how to run the country, and how much say each side has in running it.
Pelosi and Reid say Bush blithely dismisses their roles as leaders of a coequal branch of government; Bush says they overreach and meddle, never more so than in the case of the war in Iraq.
How well they get along, a fascination in Washington, is important in a much broader sense: It affects what they get done for the country.
On that front, progress has been slow during the first half-year of this divided government.
Bush and Democratic leaders agreed on new trade-policy guidelines, but Congress later refused to renew his fast-track trade power. Bush vetoed the Democrats' bid to expand stem cell research, a move that Reid and Pelosi called deplorable.
The president's immigration overhaul is dead. A potential energy agreement looks shaky at best. Bush is also in a worsening standoff with Congress over the firing of U.S. attorneys, and a huge fight is brewing over the main spending bills that keep the government in operation.
And, of course, there's the war.
"It's hard to know how they would get along without Iraq," said Charles Jones, who studies relations between Congress and the president as a nonresident senior fellow for The Brookings Institution.
"There are some issues on which they would probably work pretty effectively together, but the overlay of Iraq and the intense conflicts spills over," Jones said. "It makes it difficult for them just to say, 'Well, let's forget Iraq and work nicely on other issues.'"
The White House disputes that spillover, citing quiet negotiations taking place to renew Bush's education law and work with Democrats on the immigration legislation. The immigration bill died when conservatives in Bush's own party rebelled against it.
Iraq may be the better test case of Bush's relationship with Reid and Pelosi.
It took more than three months for Bush and Congress to agree on a war funding bill, gobbling up valuable and finite legislative time.
Bush vetoed the Democrats' first try because it included a timeline for U.S. troop withdrawal. Then came a grim meeting in which Bush, Pelosi and Reid chose negotiators but got little else done.
In the days that followed, Pelosi miffed the White House by holding a vote to pay for the war in stages, drawing another veto threat. Another negotiation session broke down.
Ultimately, hemmed in by time, both sides had to give or risk the political catastrophe of leaving combat troops unfunded.
So Democrats gave up the timeline for withdrawal. Bush agreed to add domestic spending to the bill and establish benchmarks for measuring progress in Iraq.
"The vote showed what's possible when we work together," the president said.
The reality is that the compromise was forced upon them all, because no one wanted to cut off money for the troops.
Still, quietly, some trust built through the experience. Bush's chief of staff, Josh Bolten, appreciated that Reid kept his word during negotiations; Reid respected that no details leaked from those private talks. He now says that Bush is listening more, but only compared with zero cooperation in prior years.
Bush's tendency has never been to engage Congress, said James Thurber, director of the Center for Congressional and Presidential Studies at American University.
"He doesn't have a close relationship with either one of them," Thurber said, referring to Pelosi and Reid. "I think that makes a difference. I don't see any evidence that he has come around to engaging the opposition party the way (Bill) Clinton did."
Bush, Reid and Pelosi all dismiss the idea that they don't like one another despite the constant public harping.
When the cameras are off, the tone is different, said Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky, who has sat with Reid and Pelosi in private sessions with Bush.
"It's not an acrimonious kind of thing," McConnell said. "In all the meetings I've been in, there's never been a lack of courtesy. I don't think there's anything personal. We are just in different places. Everybody fully understands that we have different agendas."
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sangmami
06-17 06:52 PM
If i were u i wudn t miss this boat for some few bucks because u will never know what laws they will come up with....:D
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Blog Feeds
05-01 04:30 PM
Very shortly, Congress will consider legislation that could allow 60,000 foreign nurses to come to the US. We face a shortage that will approach a million by the end of the next decade. On a daily basis, the lack of nurses is a serious problem, but not so noticeable to the typical American. But what happens if we have a pandemic and all of a sudden hospitals around the country are called on to deal with hundreds of thousands - perhaps millions - of sick patients at the same time? We're getting a little preview of that right now with...
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2009/05/are-we-playing-with-fire-when-it-comes-to-nursing-immigration.html)
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2009/05/are-we-playing-with-fire-when-it-comes-to-nursing-immigration.html)
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srarao
06-08 03:27 PM
1. I came to USA last year on H4
2. Filed H4-H1 in May 2005 through Company A
3. In Dec 2005 my company ( A) got merged with another company ( B)
4. My H1 got approved in Jan-06
5. Presently I am working and getting pay stubs for the new company -- B
What are the docs needed for transfer of my H1 to company C.
2. Filed H4-H1 in May 2005 through Company A
3. In Dec 2005 my company ( A) got merged with another company ( B)
4. My H1 got approved in Jan-06
5. Presently I am working and getting pay stubs for the new company -- B
What are the docs needed for transfer of my H1 to company C.
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iiscterp
06-08 02:32 PM
all,
I am kind of a novice.
could you guys tell me where I can find the text of the immigration bill?.
I am kind of a novice.
could you guys tell me where I can find the text of the immigration bill?.
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chee
09-27 12:16 PM
We got the EAD receipt for both of us.My EAD Status says card ordered but my spouses EAD is still pending. Any one in a similar situation? FP Notices receive for both of us.
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ras
07-19 03:13 PM
If am not wrong, I think Attorney Prashanthi is from NYC/New Jersy area. Check and confirm for yourself www.reddyesq.com (http://www.reddyesq.com)
She is one of the attorneys who answers questions on IV.
She is one of the attorneys who answers questions on IV.
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testerzback
03-25 11:14 PM
Hi,
I know your time is very precious and not to waste.
My issue is - I came to US as a programmar/analyst in Aug' 2005 with my B.Commerce (3years) and Master of Computer Applications (completed my 3years masters by 2003) in India. My H1 company in March'2008 applied for PERM/I 140 through EB3 (as a professional) recently they came back to me that my I140 got denied due to educational evaluation difference and need to reapply again through a new lawyer as EB3 - unskilled - system support engineer.
Is this really require to go through the new lawyer to restart the GC process? - and this costs me to lose my priority date - almost 2 years
If yes, how are the chances to get the perm/I140 if I reapply through the same H1 company ?
Please find the denial docs and remember that I have to go for H1 extension by Aug'10 ( as I complete 5 years on my H1).
Kindly suggest or email to testerzback@yahoo.com
--
Regards,
S :(
I know your time is very precious and not to waste.
My issue is - I came to US as a programmar/analyst in Aug' 2005 with my B.Commerce (3years) and Master of Computer Applications (completed my 3years masters by 2003) in India. My H1 company in March'2008 applied for PERM/I 140 through EB3 (as a professional) recently they came back to me that my I140 got denied due to educational evaluation difference and need to reapply again through a new lawyer as EB3 - unskilled - system support engineer.
Is this really require to go through the new lawyer to restart the GC process? - and this costs me to lose my priority date - almost 2 years
If yes, how are the chances to get the perm/I140 if I reapply through the same H1 company ?
Please find the denial docs and remember that I have to go for H1 extension by Aug'10 ( as I complete 5 years on my H1).
Kindly suggest or email to testerzback@yahoo.com
--
Regards,
S :(
bsbawa10
07-02 06:08 AM
What a chaos? We were so close, turned out to be mirage. When do you expect your GC? My PD is Feb 2006. I do not expect anything positive in 3 years. I doubt anything changed in our career in 2 years. Where do we stand?
Frankly speaking, I always thought that this is going to harm the people with older priority dates but I never vented out. It turned out to be true. They chose almost randomly among the ones who filed during that time and quite many with old priority dates were left out. I think had that fiasco not been there and had priority dates moved slowly, the things would have been more streamlined.
Frankly speaking, I always thought that this is going to harm the people with older priority dates but I never vented out. It turned out to be true. They chose almost randomly among the ones who filed during that time and quite many with old priority dates were left out. I think had that fiasco not been there and had priority dates moved slowly, the things would have been more streamlined.
mchatrvd
09-17 10:54 AM
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